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The Peh/Ayin Order in the Acrostics of the Book of Eichah

The Peh/Ayin Order in the Acrostics of the Book of Eichah

by Mitchell First[1]

 

The first four chapters of the book of Eichah comprise alphabetical acrostics.  In the acrostics in chapters 2, 3 and 4, the verses that begin with peh precede the verses that begins with ayin.[2] The Soncino commentary to Eichah remarks: "This unusual order has never been satisfactorily explained." [3]  In light of the archaeological discoveries of recent decades, it is time to provide this explanation.

 

Preliminarily, it will be noted that the Talmud includes a comment on the unusual order of peh preceding ayin in the book of Eichah. The suggestion is made that it alludes to the sin of the meraglim:[4]

 

 רבא אמר רבי יוחנן אמר בשביל מה הקדים פ"א לעי"ן  בשביל מרגלים שאמרו בפיהם מה שלא ראו בעיניהם.                                

 

The sin of the meraglim is connected to the ninth of Av in a well-established rabbinic tradition:[5]

 

But even prior to the archaeological discoveries of recent decades, evidence of peh preceding ayin was found elsewhere. In the Septuagint version of חיל אשת (Mishlei 31:10-31), the translation of the peh verse, פיה, precedes the translation of the ayin verse, עז.[6] The earliest manuscripts of the Septuagint are from the 4th and 5th centuries, hundreds of years earlier than the earliest Hebrew manuscript of Mishlei.

 

The relevant archaeological discoveries of recent decades from the land of Israel are as follows:

 

                      -It was discovered that in the texts of Eichah from the Dead Sea, the peh verse precedes the ayin verse even in the first chapter.[7]     

 

                      -During excavations between Oct. 1975 and May 1976 at Kuntillet 'Ajrud, a site in the northern Sinai,[8] a jar fragment was discovered which included three Hebrew abecedaries in which the peh precedes the ayin.[9] The site dates to a period between the mid-9th and mid-8th centuries and is believed to have been a religious centre in the tribe of Judah, at its border.[10] 

         

                      -In 1976, a potsherd was discovered at Izbet Sartah (near Rosh ha-Ayin). The potsherd had five lines of Hebrew[11] writing on it, one of which was an abecedary (written left to right!). In this abecedary, the peh precedes the ayin. The writing and potsherd date to the 12th-11th centuries B.C.E. Scholars are confident that Izbet Sartah was an Israelite settlement.[12]

 

                       -In 2005, a Hebrew abecedary inscribed on a stone was discovered at Tel Zayit (north of Lachish). The stone had been used in the construction of a wall belonging to a 10th cent. B.C.E. structure. In the abecedary, the peh precedes the ayin.[13] Most probably, Tel Zayit was within the tribe of Judah in the 10th century B.C.E.[14]

 

The abecedaries mentioned above are the only Hebrew (or Proto-Canaanite[15]) texts of the alphabet in order that have ever been discovered in ancient Israel that date from the period of the Judges and the First Temple that are long enough to span the letters ayin and peh.[16] Peh precedes ayin in every single one.[17]           

 

Abecedaries or other texts of the alphabet in order from other Western Semitic languages[18] have also been found, dating from the late second millenium and early first millenium BCE:

 

                                - Twelve Ugaritic texts include abecedaries, in whole or in part.[19] These are from Ras Shamra (on the Mediterranean coast of North Syria), and date from the 14th and 13th centuries B.C.E.[20] In the several abecedaries that are long enough to span ayin and peh, the cuneiform sign for the ayin precedes the cuneiform sign for the peh.[21]

                     

                                - Among the other Western Semitic languages, i.e., Aramaic, Ammonite, Moabite, and Phoenician, only one abecedary or text of the alphabet in order has been discovered that is long enough to span ayin and peh. This is an 8th cent. B.C.E. inscription in Aramaic from Tell Halaf, a site in northeastern Syria. Here too, ayin precedes peh.[22]

 

                                                                         ------

 

Now it is time to examine the balance of the alphabetical acrostics in the Bible. Aside from the first four chapters of the book of Eichah, and Mishlei 31:10-31, alphabetical acrostics are found in several chapters of the book of Tehillim: chapters 9-10, 25, 34, 37, 111, 112, 119 (every letter 8 times), and 145.[23]

             

In chap. 34 (le-David be-shanoto), verses 17 and 18 have troubled interpreters throughout the ages. In verse 17, we are told:    

 

יז  פְּנֵי ה׳  בְּעֹשֵׂי רָע  לְהַכְרִית מֵאֶרֶץ זִכְרָם.                             

Yet immediately following this, we are told:

 

יח  צָעֲקוּ  וה׳ שָׁמֵעַ  וּמִכָּל  צָרוֹתָם הִצִּילָם.    

 

Why should God listen to and save the evildoers, when we have just been told that He wants to cut off their memory from earth?


Based on the archaeological evidence for peh preceding ayin, let us see what happens under the assumption that peh precedes ayin here:

                                                     

יז  פְּנֵי ה׳  בְּעֹשֵׂי רָע  לְהַכְרִית מֵאֶרֶץ זִכְרָם.                    

טז  עֵינֵי  ה׳ אֶל  צַדִּיקִים  וְאָזְנָיו אֶל שַׁוְעָתָם.

יח  צָעֲקוּ  וה׳ שָׁמֵעַ  וּמִכָּל צָרוֹתָם הִצִּילָם.

 

The ones whom God listens to and saves are not the evildoers, but the tzadikkim. Suddenly, the sequence of verses makes perfect sense![24]

But what about the acrostics in the rest of the book of Tehillim? Did peh originally precede ayin in Ashrei (Tehillim 145)?[25] Did Tehillim 119 originally have 8 peh verses preceding 8 ayin verses, all of which were later switched?

 

The response to this is to distinguish between earlier and later books of Tehillim.  The acrostics in the book of Tehillim are found only in the first book (9-10, 25, 34, and 37) and the fifth book (111, 112, 119, and 145).[26] A widespread view in modern scholarship is that the first book of Tehillim is the earliest of the books of  Tehillim,[27] and that the fourth and fifth books are the latest books.[28]

 

 It is useful to remind ourselves of two verses in the fifth book of Tehillim which strongly suggest that this book is post-exilic:(1)  (126:1) בְּשׁוּב ה׳ אֶת שִׁיבַת צִיּוֹן  הָיִינוּ כְּחֹלְמִיםand (2)  (137:1) עַל נַהֲרוֹת בָּבֶל שָׁם יָשַׁבְנוּ גַּם בָּכִינוּ  בְּזָכְרֵנוּ אֶת צִיּוֹן. Also, although the Talmud[29] attributes the book of Tehillim to David ע"י עשרה זקנים from his time and earlier,[30] a different rabbinic tradition includes Ezra as one of the ten authors of Tehillim.[31]

 

I suggest that the difference in the era of composition of the first and fifth books of Tehillim is reflected in the alphabetical order with which each was composed. The acrostics of the fifth book of Tehillim, of post-exilic origin, were composed with the ayin-peh order. While the acrostics of the first book of Tehillim, composed in the time of David or during the First Temple period, were composed with the peh-ayin order.

 

Can I prove this?

 

1.  With regard to the acrostic that spans chapters 9 and 10, it only includes the following letters: alef through gimmel (9:1-7), vav through lamed (9:8–10:1), and kof through tav (10:12-18). But if one wants to take the reasonable approach that there was a complete acrostic here once and that our text of chapters 9 and 10 is faulty,[32] verses 10:7-8 provide some evidence that the peh verse may have preceded the ayin verse in the original text:[33]

 

ז  אָלָה פִּיהוּ מָלֵא וּמִרְמוֹת וָתֹךְ תַּחַת לְשׁוֹנוֹ עָמָל וָאָוֶן.

ח  יֵשֵׁב בְּמַאְרַב חֲצֵרִים בַּמִּסְתָּרִים יַהֲרֹג נָקִי  עֵינָיו לְחֵלְכָה יִצְפֹּנוּ.

        

2. With regard to the acrostic of chapter 25,[34] verses 15-16 present no difficulty in their present order:

 

טו  עֵינַי תָּמִיד אֶל ה׳ כִּי הוּא יוֹצִיא מֵרֶשֶׁת רַגְלָי.
טז  פְּנֵה אֵלַי וְחָנֵּנִי  כִּי  יָחִיד וְעָנִי אָנִי.                                                                  

 

But the verses can be read just as well in the peh-ayin order.

 

3. With regard to the acrostic of chapter 37, this is an acrostic where the ayin section, and the ayin section alone, is missing.[35]


But c
lose examination of the verses reveals that the section for the samech is unusually long.[36] This strongly suggests that there was an ayin verse here once, some of whose words are preserved in the samech verse.[37] Of all 22 letters in the Hebrew alphabet, why is it that a textual problem arises in the context of the ayin verse? Probability strongly suggests that it has something to do with the peh-ayin order. Is it too bold to suggest that a scribe of the Second Temple period, familiar with the ayin-peh order from his time, was copying from a text which had the older peh-ayin order, and became confused?

                                                                         -----

 

Based on the cumulative evidence, it seems obvious that the translators of חיל אשת into Greek were copying from a Hebrew text which had the peh verse before the ayin verse.[38] Let us take a closer look at the key verses in חיל אשת:

 

 

כד  סָדִין עָשְׂתָה וַתִּמְכֹּר וַחֲגוֹר נָתְנָה לַכְּנַעֲנִי                                         
כה  עֹז וְהָדָר לְבוּשָׁהּ  וַתִּשְׂחַק לְיוֹם אַחֲרוֹן.                                             

 

In the traditional order, the women of valor laughs to the last day because she makes cloaks and sells them, delivers belts to the merchant, and is clothed with might and splendor. But if the order here was peh-ayin, the reason she laughs to the last day would also be based on her חכמה and חסד:                    

 

כו  פִּיהָ פָּתְחָה בְחָכְמָה וְתוֹרַת חֶסֶד עַל לְשׁוֹנָהּ.         

כה  עֹז וְהָדָר לְבוּשָׁהּ  וַתִּשְׂחַק לְיוֹם אַחֲרוֹן .                                            

 

A much more profound statement!

 

Some scholars have argued that chapters 30-31 of Mishlei are of post-exilic origin.[39] They are the latest chapters in the book and are not even attributed to Shelomo.[40] (Chapter 30 is attributed to Agur son of Yakeh, and chapter 31 is attributed to king Lemuel.) But if 31:10-31 follows the peh-ayin order, this suggests that at least this poem dates from the First Temple period, and that perhaps chapters 30 and 31 do as well.

                                                                                    -------

 

As stated above, every known Hebrew abecedary from the period of the Judges and the period of the First Temple has the peh preceding the ayin (if it is long enough to include these letters).

 

The above analysis of the Biblical acrostics suggests that this was not just a variant order, but that it was the only order used in Israel in the period of the Judges and the First Temple. This order is reflected in the acrostics in the older section of Tehillim (i.e., first book), the acrostic at Mishlei 31:10-31, and all the acrostics in the book of  Eichah. [41]


This study began with a technical observation about the acrostics in the book of Eichah. It led to insights into the authorship of the books of Tehillim and Mishlei, and into the history of the alphabet.[42] I will leave it to someone else to consider its impact in the field of gematria!

          

Select Bibliography:

A. Demsky, "A Proto-Canaanite Abecedary Dating from the Period of the Judges and its Implications for the History of the Alphabet," Tel Aviv 4 (1977), pp. 14-27.

A. Demsky and M. Kochavi, "An Alphabet from the Days of the Judges," BAR, Sept.-Oct. 1978, pp. 23-30.

P.Gaebelein, Jr., "Psalm 34 and Other Biblical Acrostics: Evidence from the Aleppo Codex," Maarav 5-6 (Spring, 1990), pp. 127-43.

M. Kochavi, "An Ostracon of the Period of the Judges from 'Izbet Sartah," Tel Aviv 4 (1977), pp. 1-13.

G.W. Nebe, "Alphabets" in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, vol. 1, pp. 18-20 (2000).

R. Tappy, P. McCarter, M. Lundberg and B. Zuckerman, "An Abecedary of the Mid-Tenth B.C.E. from the Judaean Shephelah," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, Nov. 2006, pp. 5-46.

Z. Meshel, Kuntillet 'Ajrud: A Religious Centre from the time of the Judaean Monarchy on the Border of Sinai, Israel Museum Catalogue no. 175 (1978). 

     

 


[1] I would like to acknowledge Sam Borodach and Rabbi Mordy Friedman for their thoughts and assistance over the years on this topic.

[2]  In chap. 3, each letter is repeated three times.

[3] Comm. to Eichah 2:16. This commentary was published in 1946. See also the EJ entry, Acrostics (2:229), which refers to a "curious but unexplained" transposition of ayin and peh.

[4] This explanation is recorded in the Talmud at San. 104b, and twice in Eichah Rabbah (comm. to Eichah 2:16 and 3:46). But it does not explain why the first chapter is in the regular order. The Maharsha (comm. to San. 104b) suggests that the first chapter was kept in the regular order to prevent someone from claiming (as I will shortly!) that peh preceding ayin was the standard order at the time of Eichah. See also Siftei Chachamim to Eichah 2:16.

[5] See M. Taanit 4:6.

[6] See E. Tov, "Recensional Differences Between the Masoretic Text and the Septuagint of Proverbs," in H.W. Attridge et al., Of Scribes and Scrolls: Studies on the Hebrew Bible, Intertestamental Judaism, and Christian Origins Presented to John Strugnell (1990), p. 53.

[7]  See Discoveries in the Judean Desert, XVI, p. 234. This volume was not published until 2001.

    With regard to the second and third chapters of the book of Eichah, the Dead Sea scrolls only include verses 2:5 and 3:53-62. The peh preceding ayin order is confirmed in the Dead Sea material from the fourth chapter, although it is very fragmentary. See Discoveries in the Judean Desert, III, pp. 176-78. (This volume was published in 1962.)

[8] The site is about 50 km. south of Kadesh Barnea.

[9] The find is described only briefly in the catalogue published by Z. Meshel, Kuntillet 'Ajrud: A Religious Centre from the time of the Judaean Monarchy on the Border of Sinai, Israel Museum Catalogue no. 175 (1978). The catalogue includes a photo of the jar fragment at p. 11 (Heb. section). The abecedaries on the jar fragment are transcribed, among other places, in F.W. Dobbs-Allsopp, et al, Hebrew Inscriptions: Texts from the Biblical Period of the Monarchy with Concordance (2005), p. 294. A sketch of these abecedaries is found at A. Lemaire, Les écoles et la formation de la Bible dans l'ancien Israël , p. 27.

[10] This is the view of  Meshel, who was in charge of the excavations. Another scholar believes the site to have been primarily a way station for travelers. See J. Hadley, "Some Drawings and Inscriptions on Two Pithoi from Kuntillet 'Ajrud," Vetus Testamentum 37, 2 (1987), p. 184. Phoenician inscriptions were also discovered at the site, evidence that it was used by a diversity of peoples.

[11] Technically, I should call the writing "Proto-Canaanite." Proto-Canaanite is the name the scholars give to this alphabet. It is only because scholars are confident that Izbet Sartah is an Israelite settlement that I can  call this writing "Hebrew." The same issue arises with respect to the find at Tel Zayit. See below, n. 14.

[12] For example, the site contains the typical Israelite storage pits, and the structure of the house in the area where the potsherd was found is similar to the structure at other Israelite settlements. See M. Kochavi, "An Ostracon of the Period of the Judges from 'Izbet Sartah," Tel Aviv 4 (1977), p. 3, and A. Demsky and M. Kochavi, "An Alphabet from the Days of the Judges," BAR, Sept.-Oct. 1978, p. 24. Kochavi writes that identification of Izbet Sartah as an Israelite site "is not open to question." (Kochavi directed the excavations at Izbet Sartah.) The Philistine site of Aphek was to the west of Izbet Sartah.

    Also noteworthy in this abecedary is that the het precedes the zayin. Demsky (pp. 17-18) provides grounds to suspect that this was a scribal slip. But interestingly, this same order is also found in the Tel Zayit abecedary.

[13] This abecedary departs from the traditional order in three other instances: 1) vav precedes he, 2) het precedes zayin, and 3) lamed precedes kaf. (As to the last, there is evidence that the author of the abecedary realized that this was a mistake.)

[14] See R. Tappy, et al, "An Abecedary of the Mid-Tenth B.C.E. from the Judaean Shephelah," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, Nov. 2006, pp. 6-7, 22, and 42. The authors write (p. 22) that in the tenth century, "the stratigraphic and cultural history of the site seems to be parallel closely that of nearby Lachish...with both sites maintaining their principal cultural affinities with the highlands to the east and serving as borderland settlements that marked the westernmost Judahite frontier." As to the script, the authors write (p. 5): "The Tel Zayit abecedary represents the linear alphabetic script of central and southern Canaan at the beginning of the first millenium B.C.E., a transitional script that developed from the Phoenician tradition of the early Iron Age and anticipated the distinctive features of the mature Hebrew national script."

[15] See above, n. 11.

[16] Other First Temple period Hebrew texts of the letters of the alphabet in order have been found, but they are much shorter. For example, אבגדה was found  incised on one of the steps of the palace at Lachish. Other finds in ancient Israel include: אבגד, וזחט, וזח, זחט, and קר. Most of these are collected in A. Lemaire, Les écoles et la formation de la Bible dans l'ancien Israël (1981). For additional references, see M. Haran, "On the Diffusion of Literacy and Schools in Ancient Israel," Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, vol. 40 (1988), p. 86.  Some see the letters אבג on the Gezer Calendar, but the identity of the third letter is disputed.

[17] As indicated in the text, these abecedaries come from different regions in ancient Israel. They do not just reflect one local custom.

[18] Semitic languages are traditionally divided into three branches: Eastern, Western, and Southern. The Eastern Semitic languages (i.e., Akkadian, Babylonian, and Assryian) were written in Sumerian cuneiform, which was not an alphabetic cuneiform script. Southern Semitic languages (i.e., South Arabian, Ethiopian, and Arabic) have an entirely different alphabet order. Interestingly, an abecedary in cuneiform which follows the South Semitic alphabet order was found  in Beit Shemesh. It dates from the 13th cent. B.C.E.

[19] See P. Craigie, Word Bible Commentary, Psalms (vol. 19), p. 130.

[20] See J. Naveh,  Early History of the Alphabet,  pp. 29-30.

[21] The Ugaritic abecedaries were written in an alphabetic cuneiform script. For an illustration of one of these Ugaritic abecedaries in which ayin precedes peh, see Naveh,  p. 30.

     Note that "o" precedes "p" in English today, which also reflects this order.

[22] See R. Degen, "Ein aramäisches Alphabet von Tell Halaf," in  R. Degen, W. Müller & W. Röllig,  Neue Ephemeris für Semitische Epigraphik, vol. III, 1978, pp. 1-9. (The article in the Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls which I listed in the bibliography states that the peh precedes the ayin in this inscription, but this is a mistake.)

    For references to shorter texts of the alphabet in order that have been discovered in Aramaic and the other Western Semitic languages from the early first millenium BCE, see A. Lemaire, "Abécédaires et exercises d'écolier en epigraphie nord-ouest-sémitique," Journal asiatique (1978), pp. 225-228.  See also Semitica 28 (1978), pp. 7-10, and Semitica 32 (1982), p. 33, no. 16.

[23] It has also been suggested that a partial alphabetical acrostic is found at the beginning of Nachum chap. 1. It is too vague to comment upon further. There are no alphabetical acrostics in the Torah.

[24] The Daat Mikra commentary is even willing to consider the possibility of re-ordering these verses.

    The suggestion that these verses need to be re-ordered was made long ago. See, e.g., S.R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 346 (4th ed., 1892; Driver probably made this suggestion in the first edition, published in 1891, but I have not seen the first, second or third editions), and J. Wellhausen, The Book of Psalms, Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text, p. 81 (1895) (citing the German Bible scholar Hermann Hupfeld, 1796-1866). More recently, the suggestion that these verses need to be re-ordered is found in the EJ entry, Acrostics (2:229). Within rabbinic tradition, there are early sources which interpret verse 18 as relating back to the prayers of the tzadikkim. See the Baraita of 32 Rules in Midrash ha-Gadol, Genesis, p. 38, and R. Saadiah Gaon, Emunot ve-Deot (end of  the 4th treatise). But these do not suggest that the verses need to be re-ordered.

[25] One reason this seems unlikely is that the ayin and peh lines in Tehillim 145 seem to be parallel to the following lines in Tehillim 104:

כז: כֻּלָּם אֵלֶיךָ יְשַׂבֵּרוּן לָתֵת אָכְלָם בְּעִתּוֹ.                                             
כח:  תִּתֵּן לָהֶם יִלְקֹטוּן  תִּפְתַּח יָדְךָ יִשְׂבְּעוּן טוֹב.                                    

[26] The fifth book comprises chaps. 107-150.

[27] The first book comprises chaps. 1-41. With the exception of  chaps. 1, 2, 10, and 33, all have captions connecting them to David. (Of the 109 psalms in books II through V, only 18 have captions connecting them to David.) Almost certainly, the reason such a caption is lacking in chap. 10 is that it was once united with chap. 9. (These two chapters are united in the Septuagint.) As to chap. 33, it has a Davidic superscription in the Septuagint. The entry "Book of Psalms" in the EJ includes the following statement: "the earliest collection is undoubtedly Book I, or rather Psalms 3-41 within it."

 It should also be mentioned that verse 72:20, at the conclusion of book II, reads:  כלו ישי בן דוד תפלות .

     The EJ entry "Book of Psalms" suggests that some of the books of Psalms were originally independent collections, as it is hardly conceivable that an editor who was aware of the 18 psalms attributed to David in the subsequent books would have written כלו ישי בן דוד תפלות  in chap. 72.  See EJ 13:1308.

[28] See, e.g., EJ 13:1308-1310. A widespread view is also that the division between books IV and V is artificial. See, e.g., EJ 13:1308.

[29] Baba Batra 14b.

[30] Adam, Malkitzedek, Avraham, Moshe, Heman, Yedutun, Asaph and three sons of  Korach.

[31] See Shir ha-Shirim Rabbah 4:4 (and the comm. of מהרז״ו), Kohelet Rabbah 7:19, and Yalkut Makhiri to Psalms (beginning). Some have argued that the inclusion of Ezra in these sources is so anomalous that it must be an erroneous reading. (The קול יפה  to Shir ha-Shirim Rabbah suggests emendation to עירא, based on 2 Sam. 20:26.) But since Ezra is included as one of the ten in several different sources, and Yalkut Makhiri is generally viewed as preserving reliable texts (see EJ 16: 706, and Daat Mikra, intro. to Tehillim, pp. 12-13), there is no reason to reject the present texts.

[32] P. Craigie, Word Bible Commentary, Psalms (vol. 19), p. 129, points out that the acrostic that spans chaps. 9 and 10 is much less even with respect to the average unit length for each section than are the other acrostic psalms in the Bible. This also suggests that the acrostic is textually corrupt.

[33]The suggestion that פיהו was the first word of the peh verse, and עיניו the first word of the subsequent ayin verse has been made by many. See, e.g,, C.A. Briggs and E.G. Briggs, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Psalms (International Critical Comm.), vol. 1, p. 70 (1906).

[34] This acrostic is missing bet, vav and kof. The oldest acrostics that we have, the ones in the first book of Tehillim, are the ones whose texts have been less well preserved. The acrostics in the fifth book of Tehillim, by contrast, since they are likely post-exilic, are preserved completely (including each letter eight times in chap. 119), except for the missing nun verse in chap. 145. This suggests that chap. 145 never had a nun verse, and that the nun verse found in the Septuagint and the Dead Sea Psalms text (see J.A. Sanders, The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll, p. 66) is a later addition.

      It is noteworthy that both Psalms 25 and 34 are missing a vav verse and add a verse beginning with peh at the end. This suggests that both were authored by the same author, or at least in the same period.

      The absence of a vav verse may reflect a stage in the history of the alphabet in which vav was not viewed as a consonant. See  P. Craigie, Word Bible Commentary, Psalms (vol. 19), p. 129. An 8th or 7th century B.C.E. Aramaic text from Deir 'Alla (the Biblical Succoth, on the east bank of the Jordan River) records the following sequence of letters: aleph, bet, gimmel, dalet, zayin, and het.  Possibly, heh and vav were left out here because they were not considered consonants. See J. Hoftijzer and G. van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alla, pp. 267 and 285.

[35] The fact that Psalm 145 lacks a nun verse is well-known, as the Talmud (Ber. 4b) comments about it.  To my knowledge, there are no comments in the Talmud or other classical rabbinic sources about the missing verses in the other Psalms.

[36] It spans three verses, while the sections for all the other letters span only one or two verses.  Note also that the Septuagint version of the samech section is even longer, as it includes an additional phrase not found in the Hebrew. (In the Septuagint manuscripts, there are different versions of the additional phrase.) The observation that the samech verse in chap. 37 is unusually long and that there was once an ayin verse here was made long ago. See, e.g., S.R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 368 (4th ed., 1892), and J. Wellhausen, The Book of Psalms, Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text, p. 82 (1895).

[37] But none begin with ayin.   

[38] Unfortunately, we have no Dead Sea text of Mishlei chap. 31.

    The Greek translation of Mishlei differs in many other ways from the Masoretic  text. It has been argued that the Greek translation was based on a different rescension altogether. See E. Tov, "Recensional Differences Between the Masoretic Text and the Septuagint of Proverbs," in H.W. Attridge et al., Of Scribes and Scrolls: Studies on the Hebrew Bible, Intertestamental Judaism, and Christian Origins Presented to John Strugnell (1990), pp. 43-56.

[39] See, e.g., S.R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, p. 406:

                      By the addition, at a still later date, of c. 30, 31:1-9, and 31:10-21,

                      all doubtless of post-exilic origin, the Book of Proverbs finally

                      reached its present form.

[40]Compare the first verse of the book, which tells us that what follows are the proverbs of Solomon, and verse 25:1 (introducing chaps. 25-29): "These also are proverbs of Solomon, which were copied by the men of Hezekiah king of Judah."

[41] The comments of the author of the EJ entry "Book of Lamentations," in his attempt to date the various chapters of the book, are worth noting (10:1374):

                                 Certainly none of the chapters can postdate Cyrus' proclamation of 538...

                                 since none of the hope which it engendered is reflected in the book.                    

[42] An issue I did not address is what caused the peh-ayin order to arise, given that the earliest abecedaries (Ugaritic, 14th -13th centuries B.C.E.) record an ayin-peh order. I can only speculate that the order of all the letters may not have been completely fixed in earliest times, and perhaps the peh-ayin order was not merely a later development. (There are now two ancient abecedaries in which the het precedes the zayin.) One scholar has noted that in an early stage, the letters ayin and peh had a similar form (at least in some regions). This resemblance could have caused a fluidity or confusion about their order. See Give Ear to My Words: Psalms and other poetry in and around the Hebrew Bible: essays in honour of Professor N.A. van Uchelen, ed. J. Dyk, p. 192.

     Another issue I did not address is what led Hebrew to revert to the ayin-peh order in the post-exilic period. A good guess is that the ayin preceded the peh in the Aramaic alphabet in use in Babylonia, and this led the scribes who returned to adopt this order for Hebrew.


 

god or God: A Review of Two Works on the Names of God

god or God: A Review of Two Works on the Names of God
Eliezer Brodt

Last week I picked up a new sefer titled Nekadesh es Shimcha. What caught my attention was that it included not only Nekadesh es Shimcha but also the work Meleches haKodesh from R. Eleazar Fleckeles (most well-known for his Teshuva m'Ahava). What follows is a short biography of R. Fleckes, a review of Meleches haKodesh, and a review of the new sefer - Nekadesh es Shimcha.

R. Eleazar Fleckeles was born in 1754 in Prague. He was a direct descendant of R. Shlomo Ephraim Luntschitz, author of the Keli Yakar, whom R. Fleckeles quotes many times throughout his writings. When R. Fleckeles was 14, he went to study with R. Ezekiel Landau and spent ten years studying there. R. Landau, as is evident from his haskamot to R. Fleckeles works, held R. Fleckeles in high regard. Additionally, many teshuvot in Noda b'Yehuda are penned to R. Fleckeles. In R. Fleckeles's writings, he quotes many interesting statements from R. Landau [for one example see here]. When R. Fleckeles was twenty-four, he became the Rabbi of Kojetin, a town in Moravia. After four years, however, R. Fleckeles returned to Prague to sit on R. Landau's Bet Din and serve as a head of a yeshiva.

R. Fleckeles authored many works, works covering halakha, derush, and a commentary on the Haggadah. R. Fleckeles was a skilled halakhist as is evident from his Teshuva m'Ahavah, but his fame also rests on his skills as a darshan. His derashot were published in a four volumes, Olat Chodesh. The fourth volume contains, R. Fleckeles series of derashot he gave against Shabbatai Tzvi and Jacob Frank (this section has a seperate title, Ahavat Dovid). One of themes which run throughout his derashot is an emphasis on learning Shas and Poskim and not Kabbalah. Recently, Professor Marc B. Shapiro printed an interesting correspondence between R. Fleckeles and Karl Fischer, a government censor, about Nittel Nacht, which first appeared as "Torah Study on Christmas Eve," Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 8 (1999): 350-55, and then as "A Letter of R. Eleazar Fleckeles Concerning Torah Study on Christmas Eve," Ohr Yisrael 30 (2002): 165-168. This was not the only correspondence between the two, as a well-known teshuva appears in Teshuva m'Ahavah in response to Fischer's question about Jew's taking oaths. Teshuvah m'Ahavah, vol. 1, no. 26.]. In 1826, R. Fleckeles died after serving for 43 years on the Prague Bet Din.

Amongst R. Fleckeles lesser known seforim is the Meleches ha'Kodesh. The book differentiates between the names of Hashem, which are kodesh and which are chol, using the Bavli, Yerushalmi, Midrash, three Targumim, and all the various m'farshim on the Chumash. The reason the differentiation is important is that every time a sofer writes a kodesh name of Hashem, he needs to makes sure it is l'Shem Kedushas HaShem. If the sofer does not do so, the Sefer Torah is invalid. Although there are many instances it is obvious when the name is kodesh, there are many times it is unclear. Over time, there have arguments amongst the various poskim what to do in the ambiguous situations. R. Fleckeles collected all the prior opinions and provides his own conclusion for these questionable Shems.

R. Fleckes begins each of his discussions by quoting an earlier work on the topic Meir Netiv by R. Yehuda Piza [this first appeared in the Chumash R. Piza published in Amsterdam in 1767, Ezras HaSofer - R. Piza will be the subject a forthcoming post at the Seforim blog.] R. Fleckeles then provides additional sources not considered or quoted by R. Piza and then R. Fleckeles comes to his conclusion. In the process, R. Fleckeles demonstrates a tremendous breadth of knowledge in the works of Chazal, the Rishonim, and Achronim. What is extremely interesting about both of these works are the sources used to reach their conclusions. They use, amongst others, the Ibn Ezra, Abarbanel, and the Ralbag, these sources are not typically used to form a halachic conclusion. Even more noteworthy, are some of the sources R. Fleckeles uses, the Me'or Eynaim by R. Azariah di Rossi, as well as Mendelssohn's Biur (pp. 4, 52, and 88). R. Fleckeles also quotes R. Shlomo Dubnow a few times (pp. 92, 115). What is particularly striking about the quotes from Mendelssohn, is that R. Fleckeles, like R. Landau [although R. Landau's opinion is subject to some debate] was firmly against the Biur. (See Alexander Altman, Moses Mendelssohn, pp. 486-88; Moshe Samet, Chadash Assur Min haTorah, pp. 76-7; Meir Hildesheimer, "Moses Mendelssohn in Nineteenth Century Rabbinical Literature," Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research (PAAJR) 55 (1988): 79-133, esp. p. 87 n. 23.)

The Meleches haKodesh is divided into two parts, the first, discussing the ambiguous verses, and the second, a through exposition of writing holy-names more generally. Throughout the book, while discussing the specific questions, he includes many of his own explanations of the pesukim. Additionally, he discusses many things of interest in halacha and aggadah not directly related to the main topic. Both of these factors make this an important work even for someone not involved in the topic of the usage of Hashem. [The second part is not reprinted in this new work.]

For instance, there is a discussion when did the author of Onkoles live. (pp. 4, 77). A discussion about the famous controversy of reciting Machnesei Rachamim. R. Fleckeles cites his teacher, R. Landau, that R. Landua when he said Neliah was careful not to pray to the angels. (p. 15). R. Fleckeles writes that tzadikim are greater than angels. (p. 42). Elsewhere he writes that even regular people are greater than angels. (pp. 104-5). At least twice he quotes Torah he thought of in his dreams. (pp. 14, 95). He records an interesting rule that wherever Chazal use "lamah" (למה) it is because they want to find out the reason for doing something that they do not know any reason for. This is in contrast to the usage of mipneh mah (מפני מה) which is used when there is a known reason but are not satisfied with that reason. (p. 110).

When it comes to the Zohar, R. Fleckeles uses interesting language. After quoting one statement from the Midrash of R. Shimon bar Yochi, he notes that there is a contradictory statement found in the Zohar, to which R. Fleckeles writes:
והיא נפלאת בעיני כפי המפורסם זה שלש מאות שנים חבור הספר הזוהר מהתנא האלקי רשב"י עליו השלום . . . יאמר נא יראי ה' אם זה הספר תולדות אדם גדול וקודש רשב"י הוא הוי ליה על פנים להזכיר דעתו בזה וצריך עיון רב ליישב על פי פשוט
ו
(pp. 5-6). Elsewhere he writes with regard to having special kavanot when saying the name of God "ומעולם לא עלה על הדעת קדושים הראשונים חכמים וסופרים לחשוב מחשבות וספירות כי בימיהם לא ידע מאומה, בלי מה מספירה." (p. 133).

In general, throughout R. Fleckeles writings, there are interesting statements about Kabbalah and the Zohar especially, in the above mentioned Ahavat Dovid. In the introduction to that work he quotes a letter from R. Naftai Hertz Wessley which says
כי שמעתי מפי הגאון המקובל הגדול שהי' ידוע הזוהר וכל ספרי האר"י ז"ל בעל פה הוא הרב ר' יהונתן אייבשיטץ זצ"ל שהיה אומר לשומעי דבריו בעיני הקבלה כשראה שהם מפקפקים בהם ואמר אם לא תאמינו אין בכך כלום כי אין אלו מעיקרי אמונתנו, וכן היה אומר לאלו המביאים הקדמות מדברי קבלה לישב איזה גמרא או מדרש לא חפצתי בזאת ומה חדוש על פי קבלה תוכל ליישב מה שתרצה אמור לי הפשט הברור על ידי נגלה ואז אודך וכל זה אמת עי"ש עוד

Aside from the content of the letter, it is noteworthy that R. Fleckeles quotes R. Wessley at all, as Wessley was one of the early leaders of the haskalah movement and close to Mendelssohn.

The book ends with eulogies and has a separate title, Kuntres Nefesh Dovid v'Nefesh Chayah. This section is comprised of eulogies R. Fleckeles said on his parents, and includes many wonderful explanations of derush on all kinds of topics.

All of this is included in the back of the new work, Nekadesh es Shimcha. This work also is on the topic of the names and status thereof, of God in the Torah. Its author, R. Yehuda Farakas, includes many haskmos including that of R. Elyashiv. The main purpose of this book is to update R. Fleckeles work with the many sources which were unavailable to R. Fleckeles. There are also discussions of pesukim R. Fleckeles did not discuss at all.

Again, R. Farkas uses many works which are not typically used in a halachic context, this includes recently published manuscripts. Amongst the more noteworthy are the Pirush R. Avrohom ben HaRambam, Radak, and Bechor Shor. The use of these runs counter to the well-known opinion of the Chazon Ish regarding newly published manuscripts. R. Farkas also uses many commentaries on the Targumim and Ibn Ezra not otherwise used by most. Throughout, he quotes the pesakim of R. Elyashiv.

In conclusion, this an impressive, encyclopedic work on the topic of God's name. This is helpful in understanding the meaning of various pesukim in the Chumash. It is noteworthy that the controversial quotes remained, such as that of Mendelsshon. It is possible R. Farkas was unaware the Nesivos Shalom is the title of Mendelssohn's Biur. The one criticism is R. Farkas's decision not to republish the second part of Meleches haKodesh which would have made this a complete one-volume compendium on this topic.

 

Barukh Dayan Ha-Emet. Rabbi Prof. Mordechai (ben Shamshon) Breuer (1921-2007)

Barukh Dayan Ha-Emet. Rabbi Prof. Mordechai (ben Shamshon) Breuer (also here), scion of the prominent German rabbinical family and world expert on Tanakh and on the Aleppo Codex, has passed away in Yerushalayim. (He was a cousin to the noted Jewish Historian, who shares his same name.)

An appreciation to Rabbi Breuer and his work appeared in the Orthodox Forum volume, Modern Scholarship in the Study of Torah: Contributions and Limitations (Jason Aronson, 1996), a project of Yeshiva University. He received the Israel Prize for Torah Studies in 1999.

Hamakom yenacheim etchem betoch shaar avelei tziyon v'yerushalayim.

 

Tikkun Soferim - Later Amendations to the Torah?

Posted by: Admin, September 10, 2006 2:41 PM | | Link to this post | Print this post

Tanakh

For the full recovery of HaRav R. J. Wasserstein

I heard a very interesting speech this weekend [which S. had previously discussed here as well], and I have decided to expand some on it.

In this weeks Torah reading we were treated to a rather strange occurrence. Although, throughout the Torah, there are words read different than they are written, at least in the Torah (Nakh provides plentiful examples of significantly altered words), these are minor corrections. Most of these corrections are merely the maleh or hasar (plene and defective) spellings. Yet, in last week’s reading two words appeared which instead of reading the actual words we substitute two totally different words (chapter 28, 27 & 30). The substituted words are not different in the sense of their meaning – their meanings are very similar just they express the same in a different manner – just in their pronunciation. These alterations are based upon the TB, Meggilah 25b. The Talmud explains these words were altered as the way they written was considered too crass and thus required substitution.[1]

Rashi, in his commentary on the Torah, states that these words are the product of the Tikkun Soferim, corrections of the Scribes.[2] What are the Tikkun Soferim? There are two basic ways to understand what these soferim did. If one looks at Rashi’s first mention of the Tikkun Soferim, both of these are represented. That is, in the first mention, there are three different versions of Rashi. Depending upon which version one has, will in turn inform the debate about what the Tikkun Soferim did.

Rashi’s first mention of the this concept is found in Genesis, when God visited Abraham. God came to visit after Abraham circumcised himself. However, this visit was interrupted by the appearance of the three angels (who appeared like men to Abraham). After they left God came back as it was, however, it was viewed inappropriate to say that God came and stood or waited before Abraham. Therefore, the verse was altered to say that Abraham still stood before God. Rashi explains this change is one of the Tikkun Soferim. The simple way to understand this concept is just the Rabbis came and explained that although there should have been a different reading, this one was chosen so not appear offensive to God. But, importantly, the Rabbis did not actually make the change, rather they came to explain it.

In some editions[3] of Rashi, there are a few additional words which offer a very different insight into the Tikkun Soferim process. These are “שהפכוהו רבותינו לכתוב זה” or “The Rabbis altered it to state thus.”[4] This means that after the Torah was written, some later Rabbis came and altered to the text.

This understanding presents a problem in light of the creed offered by Maimonides, among others, that the Torah never changed.[5] But, before we get to that we need to first locate Rashi’s source for this understanding.

It seems, the source for the additional words is based upon a Midrash Tanhuma (Beshalach 16). In this Midrash it states that the men of the Great Assembly (אנשי כנסת הגדולה) were the ones who did the Tikkun Soferim. Thus, this Midrash is stating that these changes were actually done – done by the men of the Great Assembly. This Midrash is in conflict with other statements, most notably by the Bereishit Rabbah (36,7). There, there is no mention of the men of the Great Assembly and thus no human alterations.

Now, some have claimed based in part upon this conflict and the problem mentioned above that the Tanchuma has been corrupted. This position was espoused by R. Azariah de Rossi, in his Me’or Einayim. He says that the words regarding the men of the Great Assembly were later emendation based upon an error. Specifically, de Rossi states “that some impetuous person, as I think, wanting to honor the Men of the Great Synagogue, wrote those words in the margin of his copy of the Yelammedenu [Tanhuma]. His colleage, the printer, than instead his words into the body of the text for the sake of clarity.”[6] De Rossi, then argues that not only was that Tanhuma altered in this fashion, but the previously cited Rashi was as well. He says that the additional words are “unquestionably an error.” (For other examples of this phenomenon see R. Zilber, Ohr Yisrael 41, p. 201-223.) De Rossi’s position was quoted favorably by some traditional commentaries[7] attempting to deal with the problematic Rashi as well as the Tanhuma. This is of course ironic in that de Rossi’s work was banned for taking liberties with various statements of the Rabbis.

Yet, for all these justifications, as Lieberman has shown, even if one discounts the Tanhuma, there are still other examples of similar statements regarding Tikkun Soferim. Thus, we are forced to conclude that there are in fact two traditions regarding how to understand Tikkun Soferim. One holds the Rabbis did not alter the text while the other is inapposite. In truth, the latter position is not nearly as problematic as it is at first glance. Already R. Hai Goan[8] deals with a similar issue regarding the accuracy of Torah’s text. Specifically, the TB, Kiddushin is in conflict with the way we have our Torahs. R. Hai explains, that we for our purposes, we only have our Torahs and that we need not worry about perceived conflicts. According to R. Hai, so long as we follow the halakhic process we need not worry about historic inaccuracies. One could argue, the Tanhuma and perhaps Rashi took a similar position, so long as the Tikkun Soferim was based upon established Talmudic principles, there was room to even amend the Torah.

Sources and further reading: see Emanuel Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible, 64-67 (and the sources cited therein); Saul Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine, 28-37; Kasher, Torah Shelemah, vol. 19, 374; C.D. Ginsburg, Introduction to the Massoretico-Critical Edition of the Hebrew Bible, 347-363; Marc B. Shapiro, Limits of Orthodox Theology, p. 98-100.

[1] The written words are coarser versions of the ones which are actually read.

[2] Rashi’s assertion that this change is from the Tikkun Soferim is problematic. None of the various Massorah lists include this example in their lists. See, e.g., Okhlah we-Okhlah, list 168 (p. 113 of the Frensdorff ed.); C.D. Ginsburg, The Massorah, vol. 2 (vol. 4 at seforimonline.org) p. 710 list 206. Instead, as Liberman has noted, generally the Tikkun Soferim were inappropriate references to God and not generally problematic words, as is the case here.

[3] This includes the first edition, Reggio, [1475]. Other early editions, however, do not include these words, for a discussion of these see Rashi HaShalem, vol. 1 202-203 n. 75, 357.

[4] The third version contains these words in parenthesis.

[5] On this topic see generally B. Barry Levy, Fixing God’s Torah, and Marc B. Shapiro, The Limits of Orthodox Theology, p. 91-121.

[6] Translation from Weinberg ed. of Me’or Einayim, p. 327.

[7] See Etz Yosef commentary to the Tanhuma; R. Menachem Kasher, Torah Shelemah, vol. 19, 374.

[8] Harkavey, Teshuvot HaGeonim, no. 3.